- Social Psychology, Self and Identity, Social Identity, Collective Action, Caste and Untouchability, Human Dignity, and 24 morePsychology of humiliation, Social Psychology Of Caste, Group-Based Emotions, Moral Psychology, Crowd Psychology, Psychology of the Oppressed, Stereotypes and Prejudice, Dalit studies, Caste, Emotion, Humiliation, Nationalism, Social Movements, Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, Stigma, Discursive Psychology, Crowd Behaviour and Psychology, Political Psychology, Political Participation, Emotional Abuse, Social Psychology of Protest, Social representations (Psychology), Social Representations, and Intergroup Relationsedit
- Yashpal Jogdand is an assistant professor in the department of humanities and social sciences, IIT Delhi, India. He i... moreYashpal Jogdand is an assistant professor in the department of humanities and social sciences, IIT Delhi, India. He is broadly interested in studying social identity and intergroup relations. One particular focus of his research is studying how disadvantaged groups in society experience and manage/challenge issues of identity, status, morality and emotion.edit
The classroom is an important space and time in one’s intellectual life: a space that facilitates the dialogue, both outer and inner; a time when one is exposed to different meanings of the things one usually takes for granted. It is... more
The classroom is an important space and time in one’s intellectual life: a space that facilitates the dialogue, both outer and inner; a time when one is exposed to different meanings of the things one usually takes for granted. It is plausible that the people who aspire for ‘the life of the mind’ should receive their inspiration in the classroom. Yet, for Dalits in India the aspiration for ‘the life of the mind’ comes from independent reading and contact with collective struggles rather than the classroom learning. Caste permeates the Indian classroom and annuls it as a space of participation in collaborative activity of knowledge as equal and worthy persons. The classrooms, in the experience of Dalits, instead, work as sites where one confronts the brutal reality of caste. The higher a Dalit individual goes on the prestige ladder of the educational institutions, the clearer becomes the message in the classroom: you don’t belong here. The Dalit experience of Indian classrooms is not about flourishing but about survival.
Research Interests:
We contextualise Cotterill, Sidanius, Bhardwaj, and Kumar's (2014) paper within a broader literature on caste and collective mobilisation. Cotterill and colleagues' paper represents a fresh and timely attempt to make sense of the... more
We contextualise Cotterill, Sidanius, Bhardwaj, and Kumar's (2014) paper within a broader literature on caste and collective mobilisation. Cotterill and colleagues' paper represents a fresh and timely attempt to make sense of the persistence of caste from the perspective of Social Dominance Theory. Cotterill and colleagues, however, do not examine caste differences in the endorsement of karma, and take behavioural asymmetry among lower castes for granted. Cotterill and colleagues also adhere to a Varna model of the caste system that arguably is simplistic and benefits the upper castes of Indian society. We caution that emphasising behavioural asymmetry and endorsing the Varna model might further stigmatise lower castes, especially Dalits, and feed into a conformity bias already predominant in caste-related psychological research. We argue that the conceptualisation and operationalisation of Right-Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation and legitimising myths in the Indian context needs to take into account the particular meaning and functions of these constructs in specific intergroup contexts, and for identity positions salient within these contexts. We contend that any examination aimed at better understanding the nature of social hierarchy and oppression within the caste system and Indian society in general remains inconclusive without including a focus on the construction and contestation of social categories and social identities.
Research Interests:
The intractable group conflicts, mass killings and genocides around the world attest to the role of humiliation as a negative force causing violence and destruction. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the most... more
The intractable group conflicts, mass killings and genocides around the world attest to the role of humiliation as a negative force causing violence and destruction. Based on the analysis of the speeches of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the most important leader of Dalit (ex-untouchables) in India, we suggest that leaders possess the capacity for creative use of humiliation. The creative use of humiliation is made possible by the innovation in constructing social identities involved in humiliation. Creative leadership can be an important catalyst that can transform humiliation into a positive force for social change.
Research Interests:
We present a critical review of existing understandings of humiliation in psychology. Drawing on emerging scholarship on humiliation in South Asia, we discuss the conceptualisation of humiliation as a claim and address the matter of... more
We present a critical review of existing understandings of humiliation in psychology. Drawing on emerging scholarship on humiliation in South Asia, we discuss the conceptualisation of humiliation as a claim and address the matter of paradoxical responses to humiliation by considering victim agency and mobilising/demobilising potential of humiliation. We conclude by emphasising the need to attend to the corrosive effects of humiliation on solidarity and resistance.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Social science is replete with debates asking if people act in terms of self-interest or not. This is equally true when it comes to explanations of political participation. Our argument is essentially that this is a false debate. The... more
Social science is replete with debates asking if people act in terms of self-interest or not. This is equally true when it comes to explanations of political participation. Our argument is essentially that this is a false debate. The question shouldn’t be about whether, it should be about what it means to act in terms of self-interest. Our contention is that the claim means nothing unless we specify the nature of ‘self’ and hence what constitutes interest. The problem is that this issue tends to be ignored and instead the nature of self is taken for granted – an individual self for which monetary gain is the ultimate metric of value.
Research Interests:
OBJECTIVE: There is paucity of empirical research on the experience and consequences of humiliation on group level. In two experiments with group of students in UK (N= 143) and group of Dalits in India (N=181), we examined the nature... more
OBJECTIVE:
There is paucity of empirical research on the experience and consequences of humiliation on group level. In two experiments with group of students in UK (N= 143) and group of Dalits in India (N=181), we examined the nature of humiliation as a group emotion and its action consequences.
METHOD and DESIGN:
The experiment was embedded in an online (UK) and field (India) survey regarding classroom experiences of U.K/Indian students. Using vignette methodology, participants were randomly allocated to one of the four experimental conditions, in a 2 (perspective in the event: victim vs. witness) x 2 (devalued identity: personal identity vs. shared social identity) factorial design.
RESULTS:
In both the experiments, 1) there was a significant interaction effect of perspective and devalued identity on the scales of humiliation and positive emotions. 2) The devaluation of shared social identity was experienced as humiliating although one was a witness and personally unaffected in the situation. c) In fact, when one was a witness and personal identity was devalued, the situation resulted in greater positive emotions. 3) In addition, humiliation significantly predicted hostility, desire for revenge and anti-normative collective action tendencies. 4) Importantly, the feeling of humiliation fully mediated the relationship between perceived devaluation (appraisal) and collective action tendencies.
CONCLUSION:
The results from different cultural contexts and different social identities provide strong evidence in favour of the proposition that humiliation is a group emotion experienced on the basis of shared social identity and it might serve as an antecedent of collective participation.
There is paucity of empirical research on the experience and consequences of humiliation on group level. In two experiments with group of students in UK (N= 143) and group of Dalits in India (N=181), we examined the nature of humiliation as a group emotion and its action consequences.
METHOD and DESIGN:
The experiment was embedded in an online (UK) and field (India) survey regarding classroom experiences of U.K/Indian students. Using vignette methodology, participants were randomly allocated to one of the four experimental conditions, in a 2 (perspective in the event: victim vs. witness) x 2 (devalued identity: personal identity vs. shared social identity) factorial design.
RESULTS:
In both the experiments, 1) there was a significant interaction effect of perspective and devalued identity on the scales of humiliation and positive emotions. 2) The devaluation of shared social identity was experienced as humiliating although one was a witness and personally unaffected in the situation. c) In fact, when one was a witness and personal identity was devalued, the situation resulted in greater positive emotions. 3) In addition, humiliation significantly predicted hostility, desire for revenge and anti-normative collective action tendencies. 4) Importantly, the feeling of humiliation fully mediated the relationship between perceived devaluation (appraisal) and collective action tendencies.
CONCLUSION:
The results from different cultural contexts and different social identities provide strong evidence in favour of the proposition that humiliation is a group emotion experienced on the basis of shared social identity and it might serve as an antecedent of collective participation.
Research Interests:
OBJECTIVE: Available literature posits that humiliation often leads to violent retaliation and revenge due to element of anger involved in its experience. However, we doubt this as humiliation is an experience strongly tied with oppressed... more
OBJECTIVE: Available literature posits that humiliation often leads to violent retaliation and revenge due to element of anger involved in its experience. However, we doubt this as humiliation is an experience strongly tied with oppressed and powerless groups in the society who have less support to strike back. Thus we set out to more fully explore responses to humiliation.
DESIGN: Semi-structured interviews among an oppressed group where humiliation is a part of everyday life. The rationale is to avoid distress or trauma while recounting the experiences.
METHOD: Nineteen Dalit i.e. ex-untouchables participants were interviewed using semi-structured schedule. The interviews were transcribed and thematically analysed.
RESULTS: The analysis revealed (a) the existence of the elements like identity, illegitimacy, powerlessness, disrespect, shame and anger. (b) Participants reported feeling angry and outraged but were powerless to express it. (c) Interestingly, some participants even denied feeling angry due to powerlessness at the moment and reported a sense of shame (e) Surprisingly, there was no report of any direct responses during and after the humiliating events instead participants reported various coping strategies like avoidance and positive re-framing. (f) Finally, participants actively tried to seek what may be called as cognitive alternatives and emphasized need of group solidarity and powerful leadership in order to counter humiliation.
CONCLUSION: The element of powerlessness works as a secondary appraisal and moderates the emotional reactions and responses given during and after the humiliating events. Future research should investigate the moderation of powerlessness using survey and experimental designs.
DESIGN: Semi-structured interviews among an oppressed group where humiliation is a part of everyday life. The rationale is to avoid distress or trauma while recounting the experiences.
METHOD: Nineteen Dalit i.e. ex-untouchables participants were interviewed using semi-structured schedule. The interviews were transcribed and thematically analysed.
RESULTS: The analysis revealed (a) the existence of the elements like identity, illegitimacy, powerlessness, disrespect, shame and anger. (b) Participants reported feeling angry and outraged but were powerless to express it. (c) Interestingly, some participants even denied feeling angry due to powerlessness at the moment and reported a sense of shame (e) Surprisingly, there was no report of any direct responses during and after the humiliating events instead participants reported various coping strategies like avoidance and positive re-framing. (f) Finally, participants actively tried to seek what may be called as cognitive alternatives and emphasized need of group solidarity and powerful leadership in order to counter humiliation.
CONCLUSION: The element of powerlessness works as a secondary appraisal and moderates the emotional reactions and responses given during and after the humiliating events. Future research should investigate the moderation of powerlessness using survey and experimental designs.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Social psychological research looks at humiliation as extreme and intense emotion which often drives victims to extreme and irrational behaviors (Lindner, 2002; Otten & Jonas, 2014; Elison & Harter, 2007). I contest this view of... more
Social psychological research looks at humiliation as extreme and intense emotion which often drives victims to extreme and irrational behaviors (Lindner, 2002; Otten & Jonas, 2014; Elison & Harter, 2007). I contest this view of humiliation and its victims. I argue that these intense/extreme accounts of humiliation ignore its inherently relational or dynamic nature and undermine victim’s agency in the context of humiliation. Using various methods (thematic analysis, experiments, discourse analysis), I examined the experience and response to humiliation among Dalits (ex-Untouchables) in India (and also among university students in UK for comparative purposes). I show that humiliation is, in fact, a social encounter within power relations. The nature of humiliation and how it is experienced depends upon the way in which identities are defined in a humiliating encounter. If identities are defined on a group level, people can feel humiliated simply by witnessing humiliation of another group member. Victims of humiliation do not remain passive during humiliating encounters but possess the choice and agency to affect the outcome of humiliating encounters. Finally, the way in which humiliating encounters are resolved depend upon the mobilisation processes which can even change the nature of identities and, therefore, the nature of experience of the encounter. Overall, there is need to look at humiliation as 1) inherently relational or dynamic in nature, 2) a distinguishably group level phenomenon and 3) a mobilised phenomenon.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Previous research has associated humiliation with lowered self esteem (Stamm, 1978; Hartling and Luchetta, 1999; Baumeister et al, 1993; Nandy, 2009). Social identity theory and stigma theory contradicts this association and suggests that... more
Previous research has associated humiliation with lowered self esteem (Stamm, 1978; Hartling and Luchetta, 1999; Baumeister et al, 1993; Nandy, 2009). Social identity theory and stigma theory contradicts this association and suggests that individuals and groups have adequate resources to deal with societal devaluation (Tajfel and Turner, 1979; Crocker and Major, 1989). Research within social identity and stigma literature indicate that it is rare to find evidence of lowered self esteem or negative ingroup evaluation in response to group devaluation (Leach et al, 2010). Following this it was hypothesized that the internal experience of humiliation when appraised as disrespect will lead to 1) negative emotions like shame, anger, embarrassment and feelings of rejection 2) but it should not affect personal and collective self esteem 3) and the stigmatized/ devalued group members will respond by identifying with their ingroup. The results of the study provided a clear support to these hypotheses. The results also indicated that there were significant differences in Dalit male and female past experience of humiliation. Contrary to earlier findings, males reported more cumulative humiliation than females. A multi-component approach of ingroup identification (Leach et al, 2008) suggested that Dalit participants responded to humiliation by increasing components of solidarity, centrality and individual self stereotyping but not satisfaction and ingroup homogeneity.
Research Interests:
This thesis examined the nature, experience and consequences of humiliation among Dalits (ex-Untouchables) in India (and also among UK students for comparative purposes). Social psychological research looks at humiliation as automatic,... more
This thesis examined the nature, experience and consequences of humiliation among Dalits (ex-Untouchables) in India (and also among UK students for comparative purposes). Social psychological research looks at humiliation as automatic, extreme and intense emotion which often leads to extreme and irrational behaviors (Lindner, 2002; Otten & Jonas, 2014; Elison & Harter, 2007). The research in this thesis contested this view and underlined the need to look at humiliation as 1) inherently relational or dynamic in nature, 2) a distinguishably group level phenomenon and 3) a mobilised phenomenon. Study 1 analysed the experiences of humiliation among Dalits and conceptualised humiliation as a complex social encounter in which one party attempts to diminish identity of another party. Study 1 also identified important dimensions of humiliating encounters that were examined in subsequent studies. Studies 2 - 3 manipulated perspective (victim or witness) and target of devaluation (personal identity or social identity) in a humiliating encounter and showed that the nature of humiliation and how it is experienced depends upon the way in which identities are defined in a humiliating encounter. Both UK students (Study 2) and Dalit participants (Study 3) confirmed the collective experience of humiliation i.e. one can feel humiliated simply by witnessing humiliation of another group member. Studies 4 - 7 manipulated victim’s response (resistance vs. compliance) during a humiliating encounter. These studies showed that humiliation is an encounter within power relations and victims of humiliation possess choice and agency to change the outcome of humiliating encounters. Study 8 analysed the humiliation rhetoric in the speeches of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the most important of Dalits leaders, and showed that the way in which humiliating encounter is resolved depends upon the mobilisation processes which can even change the nature of identities and, therefore, the nature of experience of the encounter.
Research Interests:
Special issue no 4-5 (English version) of Unesco-International Women Philosophers' Journal (Revue des femmes philosophes) on the present political conjuncture in India dominated by Hindu nationalism. EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Coordination:... more
Special issue no 4-5 (English version) of Unesco-International Women Philosophers' Journal (Revue des femmes philosophes) on the present political conjuncture in India dominated by Hindu nationalism.
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Coordination: Barbara Cassin Isabelle Alandary, Françoise Balibar, Anne E. Berger, Michèle Gendreau-Massaloux, Françoise Gorog, Judith Revel, Marta Segarra, Giulia Sissa
FOR NUMBER 4-5
Guest editor: Divya Dwivedi (Indian Institute o echnology, Delhi) Editorial Assistance: Priyanka Deshmukh, Chloé Pretesacque, Aarushi Punia
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE
Seyla Benhabib (urkey-USA), Fina Birulés (Spain), Fernanda Bruno (Brazil), Vinciane Despret (Belgium), Penelope Deutscher (USA-Australia), Julia Kristeva (France), Mariella Pandolfi (Canada), Danièle Wozny (France)
Contributors include Romila Thapar, Anand Teltumbde, Yashpal Jogdand, T. M. Krishna, Shahid Amin, Supriya Chaudhuri, Alok Rai, Vijay Tankha, Shaj Mohan, Debjani Bhattacharya, Adam Knowles, Charles Malamoud, Ravish Kumar, Teesta Setalvad, Favia Agnes, S. Anand, Perumal Murugan, Meera Nanda, Subhashini Ali, Siddharth Varadarajan, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Hartosh Bal, Urvashi Butalia, A. Revathi, Mariana Alves and many others.
Artists include Tejal Shah, Roshni Vyam, Javed Iqbal, Vivek Muthuramalingam, Ram Rahman, Parthiv Shah, Sanjay Kak, Altaf Qadri, Showkat Nanda, Javed Dar, Yasin Dar, Azan Shah, Jitish kallat, Kishen Khanna, Sam Panthaky.
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Coordination: Barbara Cassin Isabelle Alandary, Françoise Balibar, Anne E. Berger, Michèle Gendreau-Massaloux, Françoise Gorog, Judith Revel, Marta Segarra, Giulia Sissa
FOR NUMBER 4-5
Guest editor: Divya Dwivedi (Indian Institute o echnology, Delhi) Editorial Assistance: Priyanka Deshmukh, Chloé Pretesacque, Aarushi Punia
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE
Seyla Benhabib (urkey-USA), Fina Birulés (Spain), Fernanda Bruno (Brazil), Vinciane Despret (Belgium), Penelope Deutscher (USA-Australia), Julia Kristeva (France), Mariella Pandolfi (Canada), Danièle Wozny (France)
Contributors include Romila Thapar, Anand Teltumbde, Yashpal Jogdand, T. M. Krishna, Shahid Amin, Supriya Chaudhuri, Alok Rai, Vijay Tankha, Shaj Mohan, Debjani Bhattacharya, Adam Knowles, Charles Malamoud, Ravish Kumar, Teesta Setalvad, Favia Agnes, S. Anand, Perumal Murugan, Meera Nanda, Subhashini Ali, Siddharth Varadarajan, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Hartosh Bal, Urvashi Butalia, A. Revathi, Mariana Alves and many others.
Artists include Tejal Shah, Roshni Vyam, Javed Iqbal, Vivek Muthuramalingam, Ram Rahman, Parthiv Shah, Sanjay Kak, Altaf Qadri, Showkat Nanda, Javed Dar, Yasin Dar, Azan Shah, Jitish kallat, Kishen Khanna, Sam Panthaky.